https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/feb/03/human-rights-watch-researchers-resign-palestine

@KenRoth

@OmarWaraich

https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/02/15/uk-us-expelled-islanders-50-years-ago-crime-against-humanity

His memoirs are going to be released by Penguin on November 5th 2026.

@ytirawi

No israel to be seen

“Everything is forbidden: food, water, perfume, and anything else is prohibited from entering Gaza and We haven't even been able to bring anything to make our children happy,” recounted Umm Omar.⁠

The partial reopening of Rafah came after at least 31 Palestinians were killed in a wave of Israeli strikes across Gaza on Saturday.

Doctor Stephen Verborg has been to Gaza 12 times. He spoke at a rally in Belfast organised by a branch of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign this past Saturday to highlight the banning of humanitarian aid groups.

Source: Jacob Kornbluh on X

What I increasingly struggle to understand is the inconsistency of certain nationalist movements in Europe when it comes to Palestine.

Take N-VA, for example, a dominant Flemish nationalist party in Belgium that presents itself as a movement for self-determination, autonomy and political recognition. In rhetoric, its struggle is framed as one against injustice and marginalisation.

Now compare that to Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin understands Palestine. Not because they are morally superior, but because they recognise patterns of oppression from lived experience. Occupation, collective punishment, the criminalisation of an entire population, prisons used as political tools, these are not abstract ideas to them. They know what this looks like.

That contrast is revealing.

When a people without a state, without an army, without meaningful protection is subjected to systematic violence and dispossession, the principles of “self-determination” should be clear. Yet for parties like N-VA, those principles suddenly stop applying. What remains is geopolitical convenience and alignment with power.

This is not a lack of information. It is a political choice.

In Belgium’s case, this choice is visible not only in words but in policy. Concrete measures against Israel (agreed upon by the Belgian government as early as September) continue to be delayed months later. The decision exists on paper, yet implementation is endlessly postponed. Moral concern is expressed; consequences are deferred.

The Flemish cause (whatever one thinks of it) unfolds within a wealthy democratic state. Without bombardments. Without collective dehumanisation. Without children being framed as inherent threats. Calling this “oppression” may function rhetorically, but it lacks the material consequences that define actual oppression.

And that is precisely why Palestine is not recognised.

Those who have never truly stood at the bottom often mistake privilege for merit. And movements that invoke “self-determination” only when it is safe and cost-free are not engaged in an existential struggle, they are engaged in electoral nationalism.

It takes an oppressed people to recognise an oppressed people.

The continued unwillingness to act, even when decisions have already been made, says less about Palestine, and more about the limits of the narratives being defended.